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Populist
Dutch politician Geert Wilders has been receiving financial support from
American anti-Islam groups, a Reuters investigation revealed on Monday. While
that information in itself is not new, the details provided in the Reuters
report are, and they beg the question why the domestic Dutch media have
seemingly ignored the fine print concerning Wilders’ finances.
“Campaign
finance is a relatively new subject...it hasn’t been a big issue,” says Marc
Chavannes, political columnist for NRC Handelsblad. “All of us could have
looked deeper and deeper into the story but didn’t.”
Although he
admits that’s a hard grasp for people steeped in the American political
tradition—a country also in the midst of a national campaign—and says that some
reporters have indeed looked into Wilders’ finances, as a whole, Chavannes
says, the Dutch media didn’t pay much attention.
The
Netherlands goes to the polls tomorrow and Wilders’ Freedom Party is currently
in fourth place in the polls, trailing neck and neck front-runners: the Labour
Party and the liberal VVD and the Socialist Party.
Most Dutch
journalists and many voters are aware that Wilders has received funds from
right-wing extremist sympathisers in the US who support his cause of countering
Islamic influence in the West. But it’s the details of what they’re paying for
and how they’re paying it that the Reuters report exposed.
The details
According
to Reuters, the Philadelphia-based, pro-Israeli think tank Middle East Forum
funded Wilders’ legal defense during his 2010-2011 hate speech trial, sending
money directly to his lawyer Bram Moscowitz. Wilders was acquitted of those
charges last year.
Another
American sympathiser, David Horowitz, who founded the conservative David
Horowitz Freedom Center and edits FrontPage magazine, paid Wilders for speaking
engagements and also paid some $1,500 for police protection and more for
accommodation for Wilder’s Dutch bodyguards. Horowitz also said US funders
helped Wilders raise money for his legal battle against a British ban on
visiting the country in 2009. He won that case, too.
While the
Middle East Forum won’t say how much it paid Moscowitz, and Moscowitz himself
says that information is privileged under client confidentiality, Wilders says
he receives donations from defenders of freedom of speech. “I do not answer
questions of who they are and what they have paid,” he said in a statement.
“This could jeopardize their safety.”
Grey area
It is not
illegal for politicians to receive outside support in the Netherlands. But
because Wilders’ does not accept accept government funding as other Dutch
parties do, he does not have to disclose his finances. Legislation forcing all
parties to reveal their sources of income is currently before the Dutch
parliament.
The Freedom
Party, which won 15 percent of the popular vote at the last elections in 2010
has never revealed any details of how it is funded. And despite the popular
suspicion that he’s being funded from abroad, such rumours have until now never
been substantiated by tax filings or confirmed by those making the payments.
“Politicians
get some leeway to attract outside money,” says Chavannes. “It has to become
more of an issue. It’s a grey area that the media don’t like to delve into.”
Show me the
money
One issue
the Dutch media are focusing on now is the 4,000,000 euro that former PVV
members say was allocated to them but hasn’t been accounted for. Parliament
members of all Dutch political parties get 165,000 euro each year for expenses.
In the US,
meanwhile, where campaign financing is always in the spotlight, it is illegal
for non-profit organisations like the Middle East Forum and the David Horowitz
Freedom Center to directly fund political candidates and parties.
Both groups
have denied doing that as far as Wilders is concerned. But by law, they are
allowed to finance policy debates. Where that line is drawn may well become the
subject of future discussion as journalists both here and across the pond take
up the issue.
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